Sábado, 8 de agosto de 2026
QUESTIONED LEADERSHIP
The discrediting of von der Leyen is harming EU credibility
Ursula von der Leyen has just survived the third motion of censure against her Commission. European correspondent Bernardo de Miguel gathers statements from several experts to analyse "the discredit the EU is exposed to" if the political situation is not brought under control. A year after starting her second term, von der Leyen has gone from “being compared to Jacques Delors” to seeing how Draghi is now regarded as "a sort of shadow president of the Commission" as a result of the German’s weakness.
Ursula von der Leyen in a press conference on 30 September.Wiktor Dabkowski / Zuma Press / ContactoPhoto
Ursula von der Leyen on Thursday became the first head of the European Commission to face two motions of censure in a single day – and three within as many months. The president of the Commission has so far managed to survive these attacks, directed almost exclusively from the extreme right or extreme left, with the majority of MEPs declining to second the censures. Nonetheless, von der Leyen has not been strengthened by her victory; instead, the declining prestige that has dogged her presidency since December continues unabated. This downward spiral threatens to affect the EU’s credibility, both in the eyes of international partners and in European public opinion, which could be even more dangerous.
Russack warns that the no-confidence motions weathered by von der Leyen may prove more perilous than those faced by her predecessors, also noting that in this year’s motions, the actors promoting censure want more than just electoral gains in their home countries – they’re aiming to make "a broader impact." Far-right groups in particular "also want to undermine confidence in the Commission and question the legitimacy of the European institutions."
Still, the discrediting of von der Leyen has served the ultra factions – many of them allies of Trump and/or Putin – in their strategy of calling out the alleged ineffectiveness and inoperability of the EU, to a point where even the most pro-European voices are starting to worry that the tarnished image of the Commission and its president will adversely affect the community.
Thus far, the German politician has been unable to articulate a European response to salient issues, and this disorientation (or passivity) is taking a toll. Her complicit silence amid Israel’s atrocities in Gaza and her humiliating submission to Donald Trump’s outrages have sparked the ire of a segment of the public alarmed by the autocratic drift in the U.S. and appalled by the war crimes attributed to Netanyahu’s government.
At the other extreme, populist forces have not forgiven von der Leyen’s fierce support for Ukraine or the aggressively pro-European tenor of her first term, when she managed to forge robust responses to the pandemic and the energy crisis. Those maneuvers earned her favorable comparisons with Jacques Delors, previously considered the Commission’s best-ever president.
Further complicating von der Leyen’s lack of initiative is the absence of heavyweight voices in the Commission. During her first term, and usually in spite of herself, she benefited from the drive of socialists like Frans Timmermans and Josep Borrell as well as liberals like Margrethe Vestager and Thierry Breton. Her authoritarian style overshadowed many of those assets, but never completely. Now the Commission resembles a political wasteland where von der Leyen merely imposes her will, with scant explanation offered to her fellow commissioners.
Also during her first term, stiff competition between von der Leyen and Charles Michel (the liberal president of the European Council) provided a similar a spur. Both fought to assume leadership of the club, even devolving into absurd struggles for prominence. Today, that risk of cacophony has been replaced by silence and indifference, with von der Leyen idling and the Council’s current president, socialist António Costa, looking on mildly as the EU’s public image worsens.
The vacuum of power is so obvious that Italy’s Mario Draghi has stepped in as a sort of shadow president of the Commission. Formerly president of the European Central Bank, Draghi is received with reverence whenever he speaks at a community forum. Indeed, his voice seems the only one brave enough to mention the EU’s flagrant shortcomings, or to point the way forward through the geopolitical squalls created by Trump and by tense relations between the U.S. and China. Nevertheless, Draghi’s personal reputation won’t be enough to compensate for the persistent loss of European prestige should von der Leyen fail to correct her course through the remainder of this legislature.
"In less than a year, von der Leyen’s second stint as EC president has seen her squander the reputation forged during her first term"Second acts aren’t always great, but rarely do they play out as poorly as they have in this case. In less than a year, von der Leyen’s second stint as EC president has seen her squander the reputation forged during her first term (2019-2024). Analyst Sophie Russack of the CEPS think-tank reminds us that, since 1972, a total of 15 no-confidence motions have sought to bring a Commissioner down, and all have failed. Of those 15, three have been lodged against von der Leyen in the space of just three months (two this week and one in July).
Russack warns that the no-confidence motions weathered by von der Leyen may prove more perilous than those faced by her predecessors, also noting that in this year’s motions, the actors promoting censure want more than just electoral gains in their home countries – they’re aiming to make "a broader impact." Far-right groups in particular "also want to undermine confidence in the Commission and question the legitimacy of the European institutions."
"Our adversaries are not only ready to exploit division but are actively provoking it"On Thursday in Strasbourg, von der Leyen suggested much the same in a speech responding to the failed motions. She warned the honorable members that "our adversaries are not only ready to exploit division but are actively provoking it," alluding to the hybrid war being waged against the Union by Russia. "This is a trap that we cannot fall into," she urged.
Still, the discrediting of von der Leyen has served the ultra factions – many of them allies of Trump and/or Putin – in their strategy of calling out the alleged ineffectiveness and inoperability of the EU, to a point where even the most pro-European voices are starting to worry that the tarnished image of the Commission and its president will adversely affect the community.
Thus far, the German politician has been unable to articulate a European response to salient issues, and this disorientation (or passivity) is taking a toll. Her complicit silence amid Israel’s atrocities in Gaza and her humiliating submission to Donald Trump’s outrages have sparked the ire of a segment of the public alarmed by the autocratic drift in the U.S. and appalled by the war crimes attributed to Netanyahu’s government.
At the other extreme, populist forces have not forgiven von der Leyen’s fierce support for Ukraine or the aggressively pro-European tenor of her first term, when she managed to forge robust responses to the pandemic and the energy crisis. Those maneuvers earned her favorable comparisons with Jacques Delors, previously considered the Commission’s best-ever president.
"After a year in office, von der Leyen has not yet decided which parliamentary majority to use to push through her reform agenda"In contrast, her second term began on the wrong foot, with von der Leyen opting for uncertain triangulation in the European Parliament by seeking to rely on both the pro-European flank (socialist, liberal, popular, and green) and the increasingly convergent conservatives and ultraconservatives. Von der Leyen’s evident difficulty in handling these disparate groups has left the Commission in dangerous paralysis, at a time of major and accelerating changes worldwide. "After a year in office, she has not yet decided which parliamentary majority to use to push through her reform agenda," remarked Alberto Alemanno, professor of European Law at the HEC Paris school of business. "Her political problems are self-inflicted."
Further complicating von der Leyen’s lack of initiative is the absence of heavyweight voices in the Commission. During her first term, and usually in spite of herself, she benefited from the drive of socialists like Frans Timmermans and Josep Borrell as well as liberals like Margrethe Vestager and Thierry Breton. Her authoritarian style overshadowed many of those assets, but never completely. Now the Commission resembles a political wasteland where von der Leyen merely imposes her will, with scant explanation offered to her fellow commissioners.
Also during her first term, stiff competition between von der Leyen and Charles Michel (the liberal president of the European Council) provided a similar a spur. Both fought to assume leadership of the club, even devolving into absurd struggles for prominence. Today, that risk of cacophony has been replaced by silence and indifference, with von der Leyen idling and the Council’s current president, socialist António Costa, looking on mildly as the EU’s public image worsens.
The vacuum of power is so obvious that Italy’s Mario Draghi has stepped in as a sort of shadow president of the Commission. Formerly president of the European Central Bank, Draghi is received with reverence whenever he speaks at a community forum. Indeed, his voice seems the only one brave enough to mention the EU’s flagrant shortcomings, or to point the way forward through the geopolitical squalls created by Trump and by tense relations between the U.S. and China. Nevertheless, Draghi’s personal reputation won’t be enough to compensate for the persistent loss of European prestige should von der Leyen fail to correct her course through the remainder of this legislature.
Bernardo de Miguel
Corresponsal para asuntos europeos
Es conocido por su labor en distintos países, como México, Tailandia o Reino Unido, y, sobre todo, por la corresponsalía que ejercía en Bruselas para el diario económico Cinco Días y para El País.
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