Will the US Convince India with NATO Plus?

The United States (US) House Selection Committee on Strategic Competition between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has recommended strengthening NATO Plus by incorporating India. This stands as a major development ahead of the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to the United States (US) on June 22. 

NATO Plus, which is currently NATO Plus 5, is a security arrangement between NATO and its five aligned countries – Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Israel, and South Korea. NATO Plus status would facilitate seamless intelligence transfer between India and NATO and its allies. India likewise would get access to the latest military technology in a short span of time under this mechanism. 

India does not have a defence alliance with the US. However, in the past two decades, the strategic partnership between the two countries has been growing. Both the countries cooperate in the areas ranging from maritime security to counterterrorism and from defence production to disaster relief. In 2016, the US declared India as its Major Defence Partner (MDP). This designation put India on par with the US’ closest allies and paved way for India to acquire to procure sensitive defence technologies. 

Traditionally India has not entered into military alliances. After its independence in 1947, India resisted becoming a part of the bloc politics between the United States and the erstwhile Soviet Union. Instead, India opted for the Non-Aligned Movement which simply implied maintaining cordial relations with all the sides but not becoming a part of any one alliance against the other.

The recent proposal to include India in NATO Plus is intended to strengthen global security against the Chinese aggression in the Indo-Pacific Region, particularly in the scenario of China attacking Taiwan. The proposal has provision for sanctions on China collectively by G7, NATO, NATO Plus 5, and the Quad members. It is uncertain, most probably unlikely that India would agree to this provision. All along the Russia-Ukraine war, India has not been a part of sanctions imposed on Russia by the western countries. India is likely to support initiatives that would reduce its economic dependence on China. But New Delhi would not likely be a part of any knee-jerk reaction against Beijing. 

Presently, in the face of severe challenges that China poses, India has forged strategic partnerships with like-minded countries including the United States. However, India’s policy has been to refrain from entering into an exclusive military partnership. The development of the strategic construct of the Indo-Pacific Region has further enhanced India’s cooperation with the US. The US considers India as a major partner in ensuring the rules-based order and freedom of navigation in the Indo-Pacific Region. In particular the US considers India’s role critical in the Indian Ocean component of the Indo-Pacific Region. 



While being an active participant in the mechanisms like the Quad (a grouping of India, the US, Japan and Australia) to contain China, India has always adopted a holistic approach. India has always considered the Quad not as a military alliance but as a mechanism to further cooperation in the areas such as strategic, economic, climate change and supply chains. India’s stand was vindicated during the COVID-19 pandemic when India carried out its vaccine supplies through the Quad mechanism. 

Apart from the Quad, India and the US are a part of I2U2 which is a grouping of India, Israel, the US and the UAE. Recently, India and the US joined Saudi Arabia and the UAE in forming another minilateral. These mechanisms involving the countries from the Middle East are primarily focused on connectivity initiatives, infrastructure development, food security, and maritime security.  

As a counterbalance to China, India now insists on offering its own model of economic engagement, proving to be mutually beneficial. This is evident from India’s engagements with a number of countries of the Global South which otherwise have been subject to predatory economic policies of China. India’s engagements with Sri Lanka, Maldives and the Pacific Island Countries are some examples of India’s customised policies to adapt to the requirements of these countries. Along with economic cooperation, India simultaneously engages in cooperation in the area of renewable energy since climate change poses a major challenge to these countries. 

From Washington’s perspective NATO Plus status to New Delhi is another step towards building deterrence against the Chinese assertion. However, it remains to be seen how New Delhi responds to this proposition. While countering China has been a shared objective for India and the US, their approach differs. 

From India’s perspective, this status could be interpreted as an extension of a Cold War relic. Deterring China remains a priority for India but NATO’s stand against Russia is unlikely to find support from New Delhi. India has been consistent in its demand to upgrade the global institutional mechanism to suit contemporary realities. NATO Plus’ expansion depends upon whether the organisation would be able to accommodate India’s propositions which go beyond military alliances.