Martes, 28 de julio de 2026
AN URGENT STRATEGY

The geopolitical balance sheet: financial decision-makers in the new international order

The rules-based international order is faltering, but it is also "being repriced." Juan Luis Manfredi, professor of International Studies, argues that, for banks, funds and financial institutions, geopolitics has become "a structural input into credit origination." From this perspective, he sets out three complementary scenarios — from midterms that rebalance Trumpism to energy disruption driven by Iran — that point to the same conclusion: "the immediate priority is correcting what markets are systematically mispricing."

Juan Luis Manfredi Juan Luis Manfredi 19 de mayo de 2026
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US President Donald Trump, ahead of his trip to China. | White House / Molly Riley
US President Donald Trump, ahead of his trip to China. | White House / Molly Riley
The rules-based international order is not only collapsing, it is also being repriced. For financial institutions, this distinction turns key geopolitical indicators into a core competency for decision-makers. Collapse demands a defensive crouch, while repricing demands strategic repositioning. The difference between the two responses is the difference between survival and competitive advantage in the world after Trump.

"Rather than disorder, this is a new operating system, one that rewards institutions that learn its logic early"
The three-year horizon presents several likely scenarios. The most probable — call it a New Cold War — sees a stabilized rivalry between the U.S. and China in the form of de facto competition, but without direct confrontation. States like Indonesia, Brazil or Saudi Arabia swing between both poles, in a context in which diplomacy is a transactional political act and security is a service. The European Union consolidates its strategic autonomy by working with Canada, the United Kingdom or Mercosur. Rather than disorder, this is a new operating system, one that rewards institutions that learn its logic early. Bilateral trade agreements partially replace multilateral architecture.

A second scenario, with cascading energy disruption, anchored in Middle East instability and Hormuz logistics, is real but manageable if priced correctly today. Supply chain fragmentation deepens and hits European corporate balance sheets asymmetrically. Disruption will last between 18 and 24 months, with an impact on credit conditions and central bank policies. Decisions will tighten not so much because of rate moves, but because of the geopolitical repricing of counterparty risk.

A third scenario of geopolitical détente and institutional reset remains possible and represents the upside that disciplined positioning can capture. What if the U.S. midterms produce a rebalanced Trumpism? What if Russia and Europe sign a peace agreement? What if diplomacy achieves a sustainable ceasefire in the Middle East? One can dream, too.

"The most undervalued risk is not geopolitical in the conventional sense. It is the transmission channel from geopolitical shock to balance sheet"
The three scenarios are here, and the future will be a mix of all of them. We may take decisions for the next 100 days and for the world after Trump. The immediate priority is correcting what markets are systematically mispricing. The most undervalued risk is not geopolitical in the conventional sense. It is the transmission channel from geopolitical shock to balance sheet: the cascade from supply chain disruption to insurance repricing, corporate margin compression and credit events that standard models do not anticipate. Banks with loan books exposed to energy-intensive European industrials are holding more geopolitical risk than their value-at-risk (VaR) calculations suggest. Recognizing this is the first step toward managing it productively.

Equally underappreciated is the slow marginal erosion of dollar hegemony. The freezing of Russian reserves in 2022 was a signal that financial infrastructure is now a geopolitical instrument. Institutions with material emerging market exposure denominated in dollars should be actively building optionality, not because dollar dominance ends tomorrow, but because the cost of not hedging this transition rises with each passing year.

On the opportunity side, the map is becoming clearer. Three sectors carry structural state backing across every plausible scenario: defense, energy transition and critical infrastructure. Lending and investment positioning in these areas is aligned with the incentive architecture of the major Western governments. Similarly, the reshoring and friendshoring of industrial capacity require enormous capital allocation in manufacturing, logistics and energy storage. This is not ideology: it is the investable consequence of geopolitical fragmentation.

"Three sectors carry structural state backing across every plausible scenario: defense, energy transition and critical infrastructure"
For risk management architecture, the required changes move from theory to practice. Scenario-based P&L modeling — with up to three hypothetical trajectories — should be a permanent feature of annual planning. Geopolitical exposure metrics need board-level visibility alongside capital ratios. Supply chain geography must become a standard dimension of counterparty analysis. None of this requires new regulation to justify, because the business case is already there.

The most important reframe for financial executives is this: geopolitical risk is not external noise disrupting a stable system. It is now a structural input into credit origination, portfolio construction and capital allocation. Institutions that treat it as a compliance function will be consistently surprised. Those that embed geopolitical literacy into their investment and risk culture will find that the current environment offers genuine first-mover advantage.

The world is more expensive, more volatile and less predictable. It is also, for those who read it correctly, full of positions that have not yet been taken.
Juan Luis Manfredi
Juan Luis Manfredi
Catedrático de Estudios Internacionales en la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha.
Antiguo catedrático Príncipe de Asturias en Georgetown University. Autor de 'Urban Diplomacy. A Cosmopolitan Outlook' (Brill, 2021) y de 'Diplomacia corporativa: la nueva inteligencia directiva' (UOC Editorial, 2018).
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